The Experiences of Lebanese and Syrian Migrants in the Midst of the White Australia Policy

In 1901 the Immigration Restriction Act provided the foundation for the White Australia policy. The act and its iterations had a substantial effect on the official, social, and to an extent economic experience of non-European Australians. This piece will analyse the story of multiple members of the Khyat family who immigrated to Australia from Zahlé, Mount Lebanon. Their life in Australia during the White Australia Policy has been captured in a series of documents that will be analysed in detail. This analysis will elucidate, as much as possible, the lived experience of early Lebanese and to a slightly lesser extent all Syrian immigrants in Australia.

Prior to the First World War, Syria was divided into multiple separately administered provinces and autonomous districts.1 One of these autonomous districts was Mount Lebanon, which was  established in 1861 following pressure from European powers after the Syrian sectarian civil war killed thousands of Christians.2 The newly established district was to be governed by a Catholic Ottoman with the aid of an Administrative Council composed of a mix of representatives from the diverse religious communities in the region.3 This district went on to experience higher quality education, security and governance than the other Syrian districts.4 Despite its relatively stable conditions, a series of primarily economic motivators led to a major wave of largely Christian immigration to the United States, Australia and Canada in the late 19th century.5 The entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War resulted in major restrictions on this immigration as well as pressures on the newly migrated. With the conclusion of the War Mount Lebanon came under mandate of the French who had long held interests in the region and was shortly after given the foundations for independence.6 When this piece speaks of the ‘Lebanese’ it is in reference to people from the Mount Lebanon autonomous district,   not the state of Lebanon that was yet to be established for most of time focused on here. When speaking of ‘Syrians’ it is in reference to any individual from the Syrian region of the Ottoman Empire, inclusive of the Lebanese.

The influx of Lebanese Christians into Australia during the Colonial Era was effectively unrestricted.7 The Immigration Restriction Act, which was implemented shortly after Federation in 1901, greatly reduced this unimpeded immigration through the addition of a dictation test in a European language.8 The goal of the act was the creation of a White Australia that included, in the worlds of Attorney General Alfred Deakin, “…prohibition of all alien coloured immigration” and “the deportation and reduction  of  the  number  of  aliens  in  our  midst.”9 Although  classified  as  Asian,  the  Christianity, complexion, and successful assimilation of early Syrian migrants placed them into a limbo  like position. Many Australian’s accepted Syrian’s – in 1909 Egerton Batchelor, Minister for Foreign Affairs stated that there was nothing to fear “…from the inclusion in the ranks of citizens from the Commonwealth of Syrians – men of a race not far removed from our stock, and whose religion is  very often the same as ours.”10 This resulted in gradually increasing levels of special exceptions for the continued immigration of Syrians despite the Immigration Restriction Act. The Ottoman Empires entry into the First World War saw a total ban on Syrian immigration and the classification of Syrians as enemy aliens.11 Following the War in 1920, The Nationality Act would consolidate existing policy on Naturalisation and relaxed requirements for Syrians.12

A relatively large number of Syrian immigrants arrived in Australia as a full family unit. In 1901, a portion of the Khyat family arrived in Melbourne after leaving their home of Zahlé in Lebanon.13 The family consisted of Joseph Khyat and his wife (who is not named) and their three children – 8-year-old James, 11-year-old William and an unnamed third child.14 Arriving as a family unit, with wife and children, was a far less common scenario for other Asian immigrants. Yarwood notes that in 1901, 99.2% of Indian immigrants in Australia were men, this is similar to the Chinese at 98.5% and the Japanese at 93.4%.15 The figure was a much lower 62% within the Syrian immigrant community.16 In his 1928 analysis of “Non-Britishers in Australia”, J. Lyng states in relation to the number of female Syrian immigrants “In this respect they are the antithesis of the Chinese, and, indeed, stand out from all immigrant races in Australia…”17 In bringing his family to Australia, Joseph Khyat, and many of the other Syrian immigrant families, displayed their genuine desire to settle in Australia. This was one of many characteristics that would become instrumental in creating a privileged position among non- European immigrants for Syrians within Australia.

A central characteristic of Syrian and particularly Lebanese immigrants was their involvement in commercial enterprises. McKay and Batrouney note, “…almost all early Lebanese migrants were engaged in commercial callings such as shop-keeping or hawking.”18 This was certainly the case for the Khyat family. William Khyat would grow up to become a ‘Leather Goods Merchant’ operating out of his own business at 237 Exhibition Street, Melbourne.19 His older brother James became a “Fancy Goods Merchant” also operating his own business at the Victoria Market.20 Furthermore, an older relative of theirs, Habib A. Khyat, was running a major whitework embroidery business that  employed at least 18 girls in Flinders-lane.21 Habib’s business flourished and in 1918 he purchased 3000 acres of land in Wensleydale (near Geelong) with the intention of planting Mulberry trees and establishing a Victorian silk industry.22 He believed that the farm would be highly profitable, and a 1919 Government Report on  the viability  of a local rail line stated  that  Mr Khyat intended  “…to  give  employment  to several hundred men and women at Wensleydale.” The report further stated that Habib had “…experience in silk culture at Syria”23 – this was common as the Mount Lebanon district had a major silk and textile industry that flourished for many years before declining in the late 19th  century.24 Naturally the textile industry became a major focus for many Lebanese entrepreneurs – to this day some Australian clothing brands (Saba, Gazal and Aboud Apparel, etc) are linked with Lebanese immigrants.25

Figure 1: Khyat & Co (See top of Building) Factory of Habib Khyat, 76 Lonsdale Street, constructed in 1921 (Photo 1957)

It is important to recognise, however, that the majority of Syrian migrants lacked the same level of initial wealth as the Khyat family. Although it is extremely difficult to find data from within Syria, the ship that the Khyat family all arrived on (at different times) illustrates the family’s initial wealth. The ship, known as the ‘Polynesien’, was a French vessel that is mentioned in a 1891 newspaper article in the Hobart Mercury. The article notes that the ship had “…all the wealth of art, of colour, of luxury,  of all skilled and stately ministry to human comfort which we associate with a palace” – it further notes the existence of a smoking room, saloons and multiple-course French cuisine.27 Although the Lebanese were  generally  wealthier  than  Syrians  from  other  districts,  the  Khyat’s  wealth  was  certainly not common for the majority of new immigrants. Saliba notes that – “early emigrants predominately were poor peasants. A very few had some education while the majority were illiterate.”28 In Australia many of these poorer migrants worked as hawkers, selling goods for wealthier Syrian manufacturers like Habib Khyat, who often became a first port of call for the newly arrived.29 After building sufficient capital, many hawkers went on to attempt to establish themselves as small business owners, often in more economically accessible rural areas.30

The Christianity of the majority of early Syrian immigrants was also highly valued within the White Australia Policy. In the 1921-naturalisation applications of William and James Khyat they are not explicitly asked what their religion is. However, in the Police report’s ‘General Remarks’ section, both officers state that the men are ‘…of the Christian faith.’31 Monsour notes that this unofficial addition became a common feature in almost all naturalisation applications - “it appears this information had been specifically requested.”32 Another relative of William and James was Michael Abraham Khyat (figure 2) who arrived in Australia in 1897. In April 1918, in the midst of the First World War Michael was provided with an exemption from the requirement of enemy aliens to report to the police. The Lieutenant from the ‘Intelligence Section’ justifies this exemption by stating that Michael was “…although a subject of Turkey, is a Syrian opposed to Turkish rule, and is a Christian.”33 It is impossible to know the extent to which religion contributed to such decisions – however the frequent references to their Christianity makes it abundantly clear that it was a factor that was considered and valued.

Despite the Khyat and many other Syrian families having attributes that made them generally more accepted during the period of ‘White Australia’, they still faced not insubstantial race based hurdles and intolerance. In the 1908 Habib Khyat won £1000 betting on the Melbourne Cup, ‘The Little Rascal’ a writer reporting on the win for the Albury Banner and Wodonga Express stated that “This   is probably one of those gentlemen who go round the country calling at the houses and saying, ‘You buy handkerchief, scent, necktie, pocket-knife, mister; very cheap.’”34 It continues – “…though many of them have a ‘white’ heart under their dusky hide, they are no good to this country. They compete unfairly with the white trader…” The impression of all Syrians as hawkers, and all hawkers as a nuisance was common – another paper, this time from Sydney, stated “The Syrian is often little better than an offensive nuisance…altogether about the most undesirable class of immigrant that a young country like ours can receive.”35 Another newspaper article shows that in 1894 a series of shops owned by Syrian’s and Asian’s in Lonsdale Street, including a Khyat, Haddad, Bacash and Goon, were posted with signage stating “Australia for the Australians!”36 Despite the characteristics that  eventually resulted in their somewhat privileged position within the white Australia policy – Syrian immigrants, particularly early settlers, were not exempted from the intolerance that was harboured toward other non-European migrants.

The integration of Syrian immigrants into Australian society occurred to differing extents. Archival evidence seems to suggest that in general, early Lebanese immigrants associated in a socially and economically insular manner, residing and working around their extended family and fellow Syrians. In the late 19th and early 20th century, a portion of Exhibition Street, Melbourne contained a closely- knit network of Syrian owned shops and dwellings. It has already been noted in this piece that William Khyat was operating as a Leather Goods manufacturer at 237 Exhibition Street.37 At 233 Exhibition Street, Michael Abraham Khyat (who received the Alien exception and can be seen in figure 2) was working as a Draper with his brother-in-law Michael Bacash.38 The list goes on with 26639, 27440, 27841, 28942 and more, all-containing Syrian owned business. In Michael Bacash’s Will, he lists his next-door neighbour Callil Haddad of 235 Exhibition Street as his executor.43 Therefore, inside two buildings there are three Syrian / Lebanese families – the Khyat, Bacash and Haddad, all of whom   are operating businesses, sharing buildings and intermarrying. Convoy and Monsour note that beyond these city enclaves, rural Syrian hawkers would also be closely tied back to these hubs as their source of credit and supplies.44 This illustrates the high level of cooperation, interconnection and to an   extent isolation that was common for early Syrian and Lebanese immigrants.

The new generation of Syrian’s born in Australia to early immigrant families were far more likely to become integrated and assimilated into ‘white’ society. Laurance Michael Khyat (see Figure 2), son of Michael Abraham Khyat was one such example of this. Laurance, who was usually called Laurie, attended the Catholic school of Saint Patricks in Ballarat.45 While attending he became well recognised for his sporting achievements – a 1931 newspaper stated that Laurie was a “…champion footballer, cricketer and tennis player…” it further states that “He possesses many fine all-round-the wicket strokes, including a slashing square cut and a well-timed leg glance…”46 During the Second World War Laurie would go on to serve as a Lance Bombardier in the Australian Field Regiment.47 The children of Syrian migrants, and even more so their children, were often essentially assimilated into Australian society. Convoy and Monsour note that “…members of the third generation do not feel Lebanese because of any specific linguistic, religious or nationalistic affinities with Lebanon…” they continue to state that “The combination of being baptised in Catholic or Protestant churches and attending Catholic or Protestant schools and services caused the Arabic language almost to disappear by the second generation…” Those born in Australia from Syrian backgrounds, like Lawrence Khyat therefore had a substantially different experience than the life of first generation immigrants.

Figure 2: 1924, Michael Abraham Khyat with his wife Elizabeth and children (from left to right) Laurence (Laurie), Marjorie and Stanley

The lived experience of Lebanese immigrants during the White Australia policy was unique. There was a series of attributes, notably religion and complexion that resulted in them gaining status as ‘almost’ white. When coupled with evidence of their genuine desire to settle, Syrian and Lebanese Christians were in a position that was more accepted than many other non-European immigrant groups. For families like the Khyat, this meant that they had the opportunity to successfully gain naturalisation, and in some cases gain exemptions from the rigours of White Australia legislation. Despite this somewhat privileged position, Syrian and Lebanese migrants were still considered second-class in comparison to European migrants, leading them to face continued social and administrative discrimination. The children of Syrian migrants often attended Catholic schools and thoroughly integrated into Australian society – many to the point of losing much of their historical identity. Despite the discrimination pitted against the Khyat and other Lebanese and Syrian immigrants, today most recognise both early and more recent migrants as an integral component of Australia’s rich multicultural society.

References

35 “Syrian Hawkers”, Australian Town and Country Journal, January 11, 1896, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/71240236.

36 “News in Brief”, The Colac Herald, February 6, 1894, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/87656041.

37  “William Khyat Naturalisation”, 1921, 3.

38 “Girl’s Narrow Escape. Jumps from Second-Story Window”, The Sydney Morning Herald, October 3, 1908, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15024418.

39 “A Warehouse Robbed”, South Australian Register, February 27, 1900, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/54430874.

40 “Robbery of a Cash Box”, The Age, April 27, 1893, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/193440446.

41 “Burglary in the City”, The Argus, June 3, 1897, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/9185313.

42 “Pinned for Seven Hours”, The Argus, October 20, 1908, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/10185387.

43 Michael G Bacash Will, 1917, Series came: Probate and Administrative Files, Series number VPRS 28, Consignment number P0003, Unit number 719, File Number 150/669, Public Records Office of Victoria.

44 Convy and Monsour, “Lebanese Settlement in New South Wales: A Thematic History,” 14.

45 “Sporting Prodigy: Laurie Khyat, of St. Patricks, Ballarat”, Sporting Globe, November 14, 1931, accessed September 19, 2015, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/182550662.

46  Ibid.

47 “Khyat, Lawrence Rupert Michael”, World War 2 Nominal Roll, accessed September 19, 2015, http://www.ww2roll.gov.au/Veteran.aspx?serviceId=A&veteranId=477205.

48 “Michael and Elizabeth Khyat and Children”, 1924, http://www.slv.vic.gov.au/pictoria/gid/slv-pic-aab75127.